This article is a rewrite of a report from October 2012.
MPF and the Old Age Living Allowance both decide how retirees live. November 1, 2012’s MPF semi-portability was a fix for a design flaw — a flaw born of inadequate deliberation. With universal retirement protection fiercely debated, MPF’s lesson deserves heeding: no populist policymaking, or society pays dearly.
The central provident fund was rejected because it “couldn’t be controlled by the communists”. Hong Kong debated retirement security from the 1960s; by the 1990s two models remained: privately managed mandatory contributions (MPF) and a central provident fund. The colonial government chose MPF — reportedly not on principle, but because an Executive Council member privately said a central fund’s vast roll-up “couldn’t be controlled by the communists”. One wrong decision, millions of workers harmed.
Low returns, fees eating their savings. Eleven years in, public fury showed when the budget injected HK$6,000 into every MPF account — citizens saw it as a handout to trustees. On roughly HK$390 billion in assets at a 1.74% average fee, trustees collected billions yearly. MPF failed to secure retirements; it became the golden goose for trustees and fund managers.
A patch: move your own contributions once a year. From November 2012, employees could annually shift their own contributions in one go from the employer’s trustee to a chosen account — competition to force fees down. The remedy itself proved the original design was undercooked.
Don’t pile populism on populism. Looking from MPF to the Old Age Living Allowance’s means-test row, the unease is real: a bad policy’s damage runs deep. Parties bidding up benefits for votes spend tomorrow’s money today.
Retirement security cannot be improvised. The 2012 editorial’s verdict was blunt: MPF was prejudice plus hasty design, still being patched a decade later. Old-age allowances, universal pensions — don’t fall into the same pit twice.
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